By Josh Hammer
Why is a nation that makes up approximately 0.2% of the world’s population and 2% of the U.S. adult population the subject of worldwide bigotry and persecution, especially when that nation is significantly responsible for what we term “Western Civilization” and the benefits associated with it? Josh Hammer provides a detailed analysis and explanation, along with stark warnings and great hope for both the Jews and Western Civilization.
About the author:
Josh Hammer is a constitutional attorney by training and currently serves as senior editor-at-large of Newsweek, a syndicated columnist, and a fellow with the Edmund Burke Foundation and the Palm Beach Freedom Institute. He hosts The Josh Hammer Show, a Newsweek podcast and syndicated radio show (from the flyleaf). Hammer’s work is all the more interesting in that he grew up in a mostly “secular” Reformed Jewish household. He became a political conservative on September 11, 2001, seeing the twin towers fall. Over the years his understanding of “fearing God” having changed from what he would call a “primordial fear” to a more Jewishly proper yir’at shamayin (righteous fear), which comes from accepting the truth of God’s existence and the truth of the Torah (229).
The book in a sentence (or two):
Josh Hammer writes, “The simple truth is that what we today call ‘Western Civilization’ is the broader Judeo-Christian order. And it all began at Mount Sinai, with God's revelation to the Israelites and the formation of Israel as the particular Jewish nation. And the future of the West and the United States hinges on its unique appreciation for – and alliance with – Israel” (20).
My quick take on Israel and Civilization:
I am writing this review in July of 2025, but Israel and Civilization is my “Book of the Year.” Why? This is a book for leaders, educators, parents, churches, the media and more. Hammer’s work is historical, scholarly, and practical; its practicality touching on matters of law, Israel/Palestine conflict, the so-called, “Separation of Church and State,” and so much more.
Overview and Analysis:
Stirred by the Simchat Torah Massacre of October 7, 2023 and the increasingly “accepted” outlash and unadulterated bigotry against the Jews in American Higher Education, politics, and among podcasters and news pundits, legal scholar Josh Hammer takes us on an essential educational journey to examine the place and priority of Israel in the long Western tradition, addressing the indispensable role Israel has played in the U.S. and Great Britain. He discusses the importance of Jewish nationalism, Zionism (and its threats), foreign policy, what he tags, “The Twin Threats of the Nietzschean Right and the DEI Left,” and the necessity for the continued sometimes tenuous Jewish-Christian alliance.
Hammer is not shy about his beliefs. See, for example what he says about “wokeism, totalitarian Islamism, and global neoliberalism” (“one side must win, and the other side must lose” 258), Reformed Judaism (“inauthentic” and for him, “spiritually unfulfilling” 216), and the tenuous but necessary relationship between Judaism and Christianity (“traditionalist Jews and Christians must work in tandem like never before” 257)..
Hammer has done his homework. This is a book of exceptional research. Trace his 30 pages of footnoted material (259-289).
Hammer often attacks what he labels “the three hegemonic forces” leveled against Israel and the West: Wokeism, Islamism, and global neoliberalism, and provides compelling rational for his assaults on all three.
Hammer’s seeming ancillary wanderings into, for example, “the separation of Church and State” are not tangential to his cause; instead, he connects the dots between issues he addresses and Israel’s place in history, Biblical authority, and the survival of the West.
Hammer calls for leaders of the Anti-Defamation League (ADL), the American Jewish Committee (AJC), and others to “ditch” their “suicidal progressive attachment to the Left, including identity politics, and a ‘racial/ethnic’ coalition of the oppressed” (243).
My Takeaways:
Right and wrong: Hammer identifies the inconsistency of pro-Palestine and pro-Hamas groups calling for the “death of Israel,” i.e. naming “right and wrong,” and failing to realize the very ethic of right and wrong upon which they make their claim, traces back to Sinai.
More on Right and Wrong: The uniqueness of Western Code of Law (whether English common law or the U.S. Supreme Court) traces back to the Law of Moses, which unlike the Code of Hammurabi, is given by Divine Revelation. “Whether individual Westerners or Western societies at large are cognizant of it or not, the reality is that Western civilization as we recognize it today would never have emerged were it not for Judaism, the Hebrew Bible, Jewish thought, the Jewish people, and the broader Jewish tradition” (45). Hammer points us back to Hebrew Scripture (the older testament). Personal morality, interpersonal relations, the development of modern legal and political orders are rooted in Biblical morality (e.g. English common law, the US Constitution, and the broader Anglo-American conservative political tradition) (47).
A worldview at work: I appreciated these words: “Judaism provides a comprehensive legal, moral, an ethical framework in which moral relativism is emphatically rejected. Judaism sees morality as absolute, permanent, and unwilling to yield to the ephemeral temptations of the moment” (48). This, as he notes, has implications for the current malaise around human sexuality; Hammer dismissing outright transgenderism on Biblical teaching (Genesis 1:27, modern biology, genetics, and simple common sense) (49). His worldview also drives his view of the necessity and importance of work (hedonism, “A life centered on the pursuit of pleasure of ‘utility’ maximization lacks depth and fails to account for the broader moral and spiritual dimensions of human existence” (61). He notes that retirement as “a life of leisure” is in contradiction to what Scripture teaches.
His concluding thought on right vs. wrong: “…The biblical worldview codified and Judaism’s Halachic legal code ought to be held in higher esteem than other integrated legal, moral, and ethical worldviews that are neither rooted in nor oriented toward similarly just and righteous ends, such as utilitarianism, liberalism, libertarianism, hedonism, or socialism. And it is why, unlike those sundry fleeting and unworthy paradigms, Jewish morality and the broader Judeo-Christian biblical worldview still provides the proper moral, ethical, legal, and political foundation for western civilization today” (67).Human Equality: Citing John Locke, Thomas Jefferson (Declaration of Independence), the Equal Protection Clause (14th Amendment), and even John Stuart Mills’ “harm principle,” all trace back to God’s divine image mandate in Genesis 1.
Judaism’s political influence in Great Britain and America: Chapter four warrants a re-read as Hammer addresses, in detail, Judaism’s impact on Abraham Lincoln (71-73), English common law scholar John Selden (Book of Precedents) , John Fortescue, Edmund Burke and Sir William Blackstone (Commentaries on the Laws of England); and American Founders Washington, Adams, Franklin, and Alexander Hamilton, as well as The Federalist Papers. Hammer’s work on the misnomer of the Separation of Church and State is particularly good.
On Jewish Nationalism: Hammer leans on archeological excavations to solidify Israel’s place in history. Through historical and more “modern” documentation he validates Israel’s right to its land, pushing back on propaganda that Israel is a “Johnny-come-lately” to the land of Palestine. He also discredits the claim by some Palestinians that they are the modern descendants of the Philistines. Hammer demonstrates the legitimacy of Jewish nationalism on the basis of customary international law: (1) Indigeneity: The Jews are the world’s last remaining indigenous people to the Land of Israel. (2) International Resolution: The modern state of Israel is legitimate because of international resolution and concomitant rudimentary principles of international law. (3) Victory in War (See Chapter 5: The Case for Jewish Nationalism).
Hammer identifies the incongruency displayed by Americans (of any birthland) who cry, “death to Israel.” He notes (correctly in my view): “When is the last time the PLO flag has been seen at a public demonstration alongside the American flag? It is almost inconceivable; the underlying cognitive dissonance is overwhelming” (104).
And he goes further, driving to the epistemological roots of the Jewish state (the Hebrew Scriptures) and why those roots (1) lead to a humble moral confidence, and (2) result in a totalitarianism of a different kind. The following excerpt is lengthy and good:
If there is one thing that the contemporary Western progressive Left is not, it is “humble” or “restrained.” Modern progressivism, which is distinct from the classical “live and let live” / John Stuart Mill-style liberalism of a bygone era is predicated upon forcibly exporting its idiosyncratic catechism unto the masses.
Don't approve of redefining the definition of marriage as it has existed throughout every major global culture and religion for millennia in order to accommodate the personal romantic desires of same sex couples? Homophobe! Don't approve of allowing high school-age biological males with male sexual organs still intact to change in women's locker rooms? Transphobe! Don't approve of “diversity, equity, and inclusion” bureaucracies on university campuses that amount, in practice, to something closely approximating de jure anti-white, anti-Asian, and anti-Jewish racism? Racist (paradoxically)! (106).
The State of Israel: Hammer does not hold up Israel as the model of a nation-state, but as a very good one; one that is unapologetically a Jewish nationalist project, but allows religious pluralism, that requires mandatory conscription, protects Christian holy sites, and upholds Jewish national remembrances. Israel serves as an example of the importance of a strong nation-state, that which is necessary to “survive the onslaught from the three hegemonic forces of wokeism, Islamism, and global neoliberalism that seek to subjugate it” (135). The United States would do well to take a lesson from Israel on these points.
Anti-Zionism: Hammer makes a great point when he chides politicians for proclaiming Israels right to exist. He notes, “Is there any other nation in the world, other that the State of Israel, for which it is somehow considered an unwavering demonstration of support merely take the side of the nation’s right to exist and defend its territorial sovereignty against infringers and invaders?” (164). And why is Israel singled out for such treatment? He writes, “The answer lies in the reality that the state of Israel is the literal and proverbial ‘Jew of the nations’--and just as the Jewish people throughout history have repeatedly been forced to prove their tenacity and existential worth in the eyes of their oppressors and tormentors, so, too, is the modern Jewish state repeatedly forced to defend and justify its existence on the world stage” (164).
A definition of “Anti-Semitism”: Anti-Semitism is a certain perception of Jews, which may be expressed as hatred toward Jews. Rhetorical and physical manifestations of anti-Semitism are directed toward Jewish or non-Jewish individuals and/or their property, toward Jewish community institutions and religious facilities” (International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA)). Hammer argues persuasively that it is “Nowhere near ‘pro-Israel’ for a politician to reaffirm his or her support for Israel’s right to exist and to defend itself. In fact, it is outright anti-Semitic to indulge the fantasy that its existence and right to defend itself should even be subject to debate!” (165).
A definition of wokeism: The modern woke ideology, a vogue form of leftist illiberalism that in many ways reduces to an oversimplified clashing dichotomy of “oppressors” and “oppressed,” is, argues Yoram Hazony, simply “an updated version of Marxism.” And under this new Marxism, instead of the prescribed proletariat overthrow of the patrician and capitalist class as in the economic based Marxism of old, woke isms rough hierarchical pecking order is, as journalist Jamie Kirchick once put it, “Muslim > gay, black > female, and everybody > the Jews” (197).
See more on pages 197 ff, and about which he notes is the “single most dire comprehensive threat facing the Judeo-Christian West.” However, I include this excerpt as essential: “Wokeism represents the single totalizing rejection of the West Judeo-Christian inheritance, which has always emphasized inherent individual human dignity insofar as Scripture tells us that ‘God created man in his image.’ Wokeism is an affront to the biblical value system--cherished by Jews and Christians alike--that has defined the West ever since divine revelation at Mount Sinai” (203). Wokeism represents an existential threat to the West.Three essential claims of Israel: The Torah, the people of Israel, and land of Israel (See Genesis 12, 17).
The three hegemonic forces leveled against Israel and the West: Hammer warns time and again in the pages of Israel and Civilization of the three hegemonic forces of wokeism, Islamism, and global neoliberalism that seek to subjugate the West, and sees the Israel-US generally and the Jewish-Christian ties specifically as forces that must come together to overcome and overthrow them, or succumb to them (253 et al).
About the Nietzschean Right and DEI Left: Much as with the woke left, the Nietzschean right sees revealed religion and biblical morality not as the foundation of the West and our foremost civilizational inheritance, but as a nettlesome hindrance to the realization of social Darwinism or John Calhoun-esque racial/ ethnic superiority yearnings (189).
On being conservative: If being a “conservative” means anything whatsoever, then surely it means “conserving” the very Bible and the two great religions--Judaism and Christianity--which birthed, developed, and nourished that which we today call “the West” (191).
Israel, a “light unto the nations”: The author addresses God’s special role for Israel in several places. His view is that of being a proud Jew who leads an authentic Jewish life, with a deep love for the Torah and the Law and Moses, the people and the land of Israel. He does see Israel as an example; he does not see (or at least highlight) God’s special messianic role for Israel in bringing the Messiah who “takes away the sin of the world” (See 223, 231, et al.).
The Jewish-Christian Alliance: “Both Jews and Christians have distinct and indispensable roles to play” (235). Worth noting:
“Christianity is the West’s predominant religion, but Christians cannot stand alone in the defense of the West against the three menacing ideologies of homogenizing global neoliberalism, wokeism, and Islamism. Only an alliance of the original People of the Book in the ‘grafted’ [Gentile] wild shoot closed quote can rise to meet the challenge together. There would necessarily be no Christianity today were it not for Judaism, and there will be no thriving Christian future if there is no thriving Jewish future as well… Jew hatred may be the world's last remaining socially acceptable--indeed, in some quarters even ‘commendable’ form of bigotry, but Christophobia is not terribly far behind” (241,43).
The American-Israeli financial entanglement: Hammer appreciates the US help for Israel but is also a strong proponent for Israel’s reliance on American handouts to cease.
The Separation of Church and State: Hammer devotes eight pages (244-252) to the misnomer of “Separation of Church and State.” His argument is grounded in law and the history of the United States. To me, it is a can’t-miss portion of this book. As with the entirety of this book, Hammer “connects the dots” between what might seem a “rabbit trail” and the rabbit.
The author piqued my curiosity about these books:
Kirk, The Conservative Mind: From Burke to Eliot (7th edition)
Adams, Defense of the Constitutions of Government of the United States of America
Words to ponder:
John Adams: “Our Constitution was made only for a moral and religious People. It is wholey inadequate to the government of any other.”
John Adams: “I will insist that the Hebrews have done more to civilize Men than any other Nation. If I were an Atheist and believed in blind eternal Fate, I should still believe that Fate had ordained the Jews to be the most essential Instrument for civilizing the Nations. If I were an Atheist of the other sect, who believe or pretend to believe that all is ordered by Chance, I Should believe that Chance had ordered the Jews to preserve and propagate, to all Mankind the doctrine of a Supreme intelligent wise, almighty Sovereign of the Universe, which I believe to be the greatest essential Principle of all morality and consequently of all Civilization” (86-87).
The influence of Scripture: 15th Century English conservative common lawyer on the court’s work “after hours”: “they spend the rest of the day in the study of the laws [and] reading of the Holy Scriptures.”
Abraham Lincoln: “I am exceedingly anxious that this Union, the Constitution, and the liberties of the people shall be perpetuated in accordance with the original idea for which that struggle was made and I shall be most happy indeed if I shall be an humble instrument in the hands of the Almighty, and of this, his almost chosen people, for perpetuating the object of that great struggle.”
Josh Hammer: “The modern Jewish state of Israel is the proverbial Canary in the coal mine, much like the broader Jewish nation of Israel—Am Yisrael--has been on countless occasions throughout human history. It is the tip of the spear of the broader grassroots push back against the three menacing hegemonies of our time: Islamism, woke ISM, and global neoliberalism. The battle for Jewish nationalism is thus only partially about the Jews. It is really a battle for the soul, and broader fate, of the West” (111).
Recommendation:
As I noted earlier, Israel and Civilization is my “book of the year” for its passionate but careful and well-researched premise: That the West has God and Israel to thank for its unique place in history, and for that history to continue unabated, the West (particularly America and Christian churches) must recognize the crossroads they are on and work like never before. Hammer writes, “If the West is going to be saved, then the United States must be saved, the traditionalist Jews and Christians must work in tandem like never before” (257). Israel and Civilization is not a blueprint for that work, but it is a clarion call for the work to continue in earnest.
I highly recommend Israel and Civilization: The Fate of the Jewish Nation and the Destiny of the West.
